<\/p>\n
Presidenti i Serbis\u00eb, Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7, njoftoi nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb n\u00eb Kin\u00eb n\u00eb mesin e majit. \u201cN\u00eb jet\u00ebn time profesionale, kjo me siguri do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vizita m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb\u201d, deklaroi ai.<\/strong><\/p>\n Deklarata e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 tregon se, pavar\u00ebsisht nd\u00ebrlikimeve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e Kin\u00ebs me Bashkimin Evropian, drejtimi kinez i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e partneritetit me Pekinin jan\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Beogradin, por edhe p\u00ebr Podgoric\u00ebn, Shkupin, Banja Lluk\u00ebn\u2026<\/p>\n N\u00eb sfondin e p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb intensifikuara nga Bashkimi Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb zvog\u00ebluar ndikimin kinez, r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e pranis\u00eb s\u00eb Pekinit n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor po b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb faktor jo vet\u00ebm i ekonomis\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs rajonale, por edhe i ekonomis\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs pan-evropiane.<\/p>\n Vizualizimi i ndikimit<\/strong><\/p>\n Ndikimi kinez n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor ka nj\u00eb vizualizim t\u00eb fort\u00eb: autostrada, hekurudha, ura, objekte energjetike, kontrata t\u00eb m\u00ebdha shtet\u00ebrore dhe detyrime politike q\u00eb lindin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme rreth projekteve t\u00eb tilla. Ka vende (Serbia) ku nd\u00ebrveprimi me Kin\u00ebn ka shkuar edhe m\u00eb tej, deri n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin n\u00eb siguri.<\/p>\n Bashkimi Evropian \u2014 n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor aspirojn\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohen \u2014 mbetet lideri i padiskutuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb ndihm\u00ebn me grante: grantet vjetore t\u00eb IPA-s arrit\u00ebn mesatarisht n\u00eb rreth 0.8% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb s\u00eb rajonit, nd\u00ebrsa grantet kineze p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin vet\u00ebm 0.02%. Por n\u00eb kreditim, pamja \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndryshme: BE-ja \u00e7do vit jepte kredi q\u00eb arrinin n\u00eb rreth 1.5% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb s\u00eb rajonit, nd\u00ebrsa Kina ofronte 1.2%. N\u00eb Serbi, portofoli i kredive kineze tashm\u00eb e ka tejkaluar portofolin e kredive t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e kredive dhe projekteve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha kontraktuese, prania kineze ka rezultuar shum\u00eb m\u00eb e prekshme nga sa imagjinohet shpesh.<\/p>\n Q\u00eb nga fillimi, Pekini vendosi bastin e tij n\u00eb projekte q\u00eb autoritetet mund t\u2019u tregojn\u00eb votuesve si prov\u00eb t\u00eb \u201crezultateve konkrete\u201d dhe \u201czhvillimit\u201d: autostrada t\u00eb reja, linja hekurudhore, ura, modernizim t\u00eb korridoreve t\u00eb transportit. K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron forca kryesore politike e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor \u2014 n\u00eb zgjidhjet e m\u00ebdha infrastrukturore q\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb nj\u00eb efekt t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm, por q\u00eb shpesh shoq\u00ebrohen me kushte t\u00eb err\u00ebta, mbik\u00ebqyrje t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe rreziqe t\u00eb konsiderueshme afatgjata.<\/p>\n Kosova<\/strong><\/p>\n Kosova mbetet vendi me pranin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl kineze n\u00eb rajon, duke mos r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb \u201ckurthin\u201d e investimeve dhe ndikimit t\u00eb Pekinit, ndryshe nga disa shtete t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n Institucionet e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb mbajtur nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb kujdesshme ndaj kompanive dhe produkteve kineze, duke nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb edhe masa kufizuese e sanksionuese n\u00eb sektor\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar strategjik\u00eb.<\/p>\n K\u00ebto vendime jan\u00eb par\u00eb si pjes\u00eb e orientimit euro-atlantik t\u00eb vendit dhe harmonizimit me politikat e partner\u00ebve per\u00ebndimor\u00eb.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj qasjeje, ndikimi ekonomik dhe teknologjik i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mbetet duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt krahasuar me vendet e tjera t\u00eb rajonit.<\/p>\n Serbia<\/strong><\/p>\n Ndikimi kinez \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb Serbi, e cila prej koh\u00ebsh \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shfaqja kryesore politike dhe ekonomike e pranis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Modernizimi i korridorit hekurudhor Beograd-Budapest, urat e reja, rrug\u00ebt anashkaluese, projektet industriale dhe logjistike q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb kompani shtet\u00ebrore kineze e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb Serbin\u00eb platform\u00ebn kryesore rajonale p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunimin e Pekinit me Ballkanin. Por pas k\u00ebsaj shfaqjeje, nj\u00eb histori tjet\u00ebr po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e dukshme \u2013 n\u00eb lidhje me \u00e7mimin e nj\u00eb modeli t\u00eb till\u00eb. Fatkeq\u00ebsia n\u00eb stacionin hekurudhor n\u00eb Novi Sad n\u00eb n\u00ebntor 2024 pas shembjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb tend\u00eb betoni, e cila ndodhi pas punimeve t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtimit brenda projektit m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb hekurudhor serbo-kino-hungarez, e shnd\u00ebrroi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e infrastruktur\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb plot\u00eb politike. Nj\u00eb projekt i madh transporti q\u00eb supozohej t\u00eb simbolizonte modernizimin u b\u00eb papritur nj\u00eb simbol i rreziqeve t\u00eb korrupsionit, mbik\u00ebqyrjes s\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe bashkimit t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit, strukturave t\u00eb biznesit pran\u00eb autoriteteve dhe propagand\u00ebs politike. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, pik\u00ebrisht ky incident shkaktoi protesta n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb antiqeveritare dhe minoi vler\u00ebsimin e Presidentit serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr rast p\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr v\u00ebmendjen ndaj k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje ishte lajmi nga Budapesti: pas humbjes s\u00eb partis\u00eb s\u00eb Viktor Orb\u00e1n n\u00eb zgjedhje, synohet nj\u00eb auditim i investimeve n\u00eb projektin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb modernizimit t\u00eb hekurudh\u00ebs me Kin\u00ebn nga Beogradi n\u00eb Budapest. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, vet\u00eb Serbia vazhdon nj\u00eb hetim p\u00ebr korrupsion t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm gjat\u00eb modernizimit t\u00eb seksionit q\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7on n\u00eb kufirin hungarez. Rasti p\u00ebrfshin 14 t\u00eb dyshuar, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dy ish-ministra, nd\u00ebrsa humbjet buxhetore vler\u00ebsohen n\u00eb 115 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb. Sipas hetimit, konsorciumi kinez CRIC-CCCC mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb pajisur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme me t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 18.7 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime. Megjithat\u00eb, pasoja m\u00eb e dhimbshme negative e lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb projekt ishte padyshim tragjedia n\u00eb stacionin hekurudhor t\u00eb Novi Sadit.<\/p>\n Historia e hekurudh\u00ebs Beograd-Budapest \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb dhe Hungarin\u00eb, por edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajonin: ajo tregon qart\u00eb se si projektet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs kineze n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor po b\u00ebhen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eb burim rreziqesh politike, financiare dhe reputacionale.<\/p>\n Aspekti ushtarak<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00cbsht\u00eb gjithashtu e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme q\u00eb prania kineze n\u00eb Serbi ka pushuar prej koh\u00ebsh t\u00eb jet\u00eb e kufizuar n\u00eb ekonomi n\u00eb kuptimin e ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs. Vitet e fundit, Beogradi ka bler\u00eb vazhdimisht arm\u00eb kineze. N\u00eb vitin 2022, Serbia shfaqi publikisht sistemet e raketave tok\u00eb-aj\u00ebr FK-3 t\u00eb blera nga Kina, duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb operatori i par\u00eb evropian i k\u00ebtij sistemi. Dhe n\u00eb mars t\u00eb vitit 2026, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 konfirmoi blerjen e raketave kineze CM-400AKG me l\u00ebshim ajri, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebri Serbin\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrdoruese unike evropiane t\u00eb arm\u00ebve kineze me udh\u00ebzim preciz. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: Lidhjet serbo-kineze n\u00eb Ballkan nuk kufizohen m\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb autostrada, stacione hekurudhore apo ura, por po hyjn\u00eb edhe n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn strategjikisht t\u00eb ndjeshme ushtarako-teknike. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye rasti serb ndryshon nga pjesa tjet\u00ebr e rajonit jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb shkall\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit ekonomik me Pekinin, por edhe n\u00eb thell\u00ebsin\u00eb e besimit politik ndaj tij.<\/p>\n Skandali i ri rreth hekurudh\u00ebs nga Beogradi n\u00eb Budapest vet\u00ebm sa e p\u00ebrforcoi k\u00ebt\u00eb trend. Fakti q\u00eb nj\u00eb nga simbolet m\u00eb ambicioze t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs kineze n\u00eb rajon shoq\u00ebrohet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb jo me modernizimin, por me inspektimet, dyshimet, humbjet buxhetore dhe pyetjet n\u00eb lidhje me modelin kontraktual, \u00ebsht\u00eb tregues. Por edhe m\u00eb treguese \u00ebsht\u00eb se edhe n\u00eb sfondin e skandaleve t\u00eb tilla, Serbia nuk po tregon gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u00eb ulur rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht var\u00ebsin\u00eb nga kontraktor\u00ebt kinez\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, kompanit\u00eb kineze vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb marrin projekte t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00eb modeli i bashk\u00ebpunimit mbetet p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht i pandryshuar. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb ndikimi kinez n\u00eb Serbi nuk duhet t\u00eb matet m\u00eb vet\u00ebm nga v\u00ebllimi i investimeve t\u00eb reja \u2013 ajo q\u00eb ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb se sa thell\u00eb jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ngulitura kompanit\u00eb kineze n\u00eb sistemin shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit dhe sa fort jan\u00eb m\u00ebsuar elitat lokale me nj\u00eb format n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin vendimet e m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr infrastruktur\u00ebn merren n\u00ebn nj\u00eb regjim p\u00ebrjashtimi politik dhe jo p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procedure normale konkurruese.<\/p>\n Mali i Zi<\/strong><\/p>\n Mali i Zi ofron nj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, por jo m\u00eb pak tregues. K\u00ebtu, prania kineze \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar prej koh\u00ebsh kryesisht me autostrad\u00ebn Bar-Boljare, seksioni i par\u00eb i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u2013 Smokovac-Mate\u0161evo – u hap n\u00eb korrik 2022 dhe u b\u00eb nj\u00eb nga historit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb njohura n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb rreth rreziqeve t\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201ckurthi borxhi\u201d. Ishte pik\u00ebrisht autostrada malazeze q\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e b\u00ebri Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor nj\u00eb shembull se si nj\u00eb ambicie e madhe infrastrukturore mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb burim borxhi dhe cenueshm\u00ebrie politike. Por historia nuk mbaroi k\u00ebtu: n\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2026, Podgorica n\u00ebnshkroi nj\u00eb kontrat\u00eb me konsorciumin kinez PowerChina\u2013Stecol\u2013PCCD p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e seksionit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm Mate\u0161evo\u2013Andrijevica me vler\u00eb 693.9 milion\u00eb euro. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb seksion me gjat\u00ebsi af\u00ebrsisht 23 km, t\u00eb financuar jo vet\u00ebm nga buxheti, por edhe me pjes\u00ebmarrjen e nj\u00eb kredie prej 200 milion\u00eb eurosh nga BERZH dhe nj\u00eb granti t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb prej 150 milion\u00eb eurosh. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sinjal i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, sepse edhe pas t\u00eb gjitha paralajm\u00ebrimeve n\u00eb lidhje me seksionin e par\u00eb, kontraktori kinez ruajti p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nj\u00eb pozicion ky\u00e7 n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt strategjik.<\/p>\n Rasti malazez tregon qart\u00eb ciklin e gjat\u00eb t\u00eb ndikimit kinez. Fillimisht, ekziston nj\u00eb projekt i madh dhe politikisht i favorsh\u00ebm q\u00eb autoritetet lokale e paraqesin si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrparim historik. Pastaj lindin pyetje n\u00eb lidhje me koston e tij, kushtet e kredis\u00eb, fizibilitetin ekonomik, pasojat mjedisore dhe realizmin e p\u00ebrfitimeve t\u00eb premtuara. M\u00eb pas, partner\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb n\u00eb uljen pjes\u00ebrisht t\u00eb rreziqeve financiare, por kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht zhvendosjen e rolit kinez. P\u00ebrkundrazi, kompanit\u00eb kineze shpesh mbeten kontraktor\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm edhe p\u00ebr fazat pasuese. Si rezultat, Kina nuk merr domosdoshm\u00ebrisht kontroll t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb politik, por merr nj\u00eb prani afatgjat\u00eb n\u00eb sektor\u00ebt strategjik\u00eb dhe, m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, inercin\u00eb e var\u00ebsis\u00eb nga kontraktor\u00ebt e saj.<\/p>\n Maqedonia e Veriut<\/strong><\/p>\n Maqedonia e Veriut tregon nj\u00eb an\u00eb tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb problemit. K\u00ebtu, gjurma kineze \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu kryesisht infrastrukturore, por vet\u00eb projektet kineze shoq\u00ebrohen m\u00eb shum\u00eb me skandale korrupsioni, vonesa dhe buxhete n\u00eb rritje pas fillimit t\u00eb projektit. Shembulli m\u00eb i njohur \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimi i autostrad\u00ebs K\u00ebr\u00e7ov\u00eb-Oh\u00ebr me pjes\u00ebmarrjen e Sinohydro. Projekti u vonua p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb, u b\u00eb m\u00eb i shtrenjt\u00eb dhe u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga simbolet m\u00eb toksike t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si \u201czgjidhjet e shpejta\u201d n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb mund t\u00eb rezultojn\u00eb n\u00eb d\u00ebshtim politik dhe institucional.<\/p>\n Nd\u00ebrtimi, i cili filloi n\u00eb vitin 2014, u shoq\u00ebrua me gabime serioze n\u00eb projektim: rrug\u00eb t\u00eb hartuara gabimisht, shpate t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme, tunele q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin ridizajnim dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 80 modifikime gjat\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebs s\u00eb punimeve. Kjo shkaktoi nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb ndjeshme t\u00eb kostove \u2013 nga 374 milion\u00eb euro fillestare n\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 600 milion\u00eb euro dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb n\u00eb 803 milion\u00eb euro, t\u00eb cilat Parlamenti i Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut i miratoi zyrtarisht n\u00eb mars 2026. Afati i ri i p\u00ebrfundimit u shty n\u00eb 31 maj 2027.<\/p>\n Problemet nuk ishin vet\u00ebm teknike. Sinohydro, e cila po zbaton projektin, ishte tashm\u00eb n\u00eb list\u00ebn e Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb kompanive t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuara p\u00ebr praktika korruptive n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb mori kontrat\u00ebn. Kjo nxiti dyshime n\u00eb lidhje me kushtet e marr\u00ebveshjes, cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e mbik\u00ebqyrjes shtet\u00ebrore dhe patronazhin politik. Si rezultat, autostrada K\u00ebr\u00e7ov\u00eb-Oh\u00ebr u b\u00eb nj\u00eb nga shembujt m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se si iniciativat e m\u00ebdha kineze t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkan mund t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb rreziqe financiare, politike dhe institucionale afatgjata \u2013 madje edhe n\u00eb vendet ku shkalla e pranis\u00eb kineze \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl se n\u00eb Serbi ose Mal t\u00eb Zi.<\/p>\n N\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb dhe Hercegovin\u00eb, prania kineze nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e p\u00ebrqendruar sa n\u00eb Serbi ose Mal t\u00eb Zi, por logjika atje \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. N\u00eb BiH, gjurma kineze \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e dukshme n\u00eb iniciativat e energjis\u00eb dhe infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb madhe, t\u00eb cilat elitat lokale shpesh i promovonin si nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb kursimi ndaj mekanizmave t\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb dhe kompleks\u00eb evropian\u00eb. Dhe n\u00eb Bosnj\u00eb gjithashtu, projektet kineze rregullisht nuk b\u00ebhen histori suksesi t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ato t\u00eb vonesave, mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve dhe fizibilitetit ekonomik problematik.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb shembull tregues \u00ebsht\u00eb projekti i nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb Nj\u00ebsis\u00eb 7 t\u00eb Termocentralit t\u00eb Tuzl\u00ebs, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin Federata e BiH ra dakord n\u00eb vitin 2017 me kompanin\u00eb kineze China Gezhouba Group dhe financim nga Banka Kineze Exim: pavar\u00ebsisht premtimeve politike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cp\u00ebrparim strategjik\u201d, projekti u bllokua n\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje ligjore, kritika t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr garancit\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore, vonesa dhe n\u00eb fakt u bllokua pasi kontraktori kinez u t\u00ebrhoq nga detyrimet kontraktuale n\u00eb vitin 2021. Nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb e ngjashme v\u00ebrehet n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn Srpska, ku nd\u00ebrtimi i Hidrocentralit Dabar, i besuar China Energy Gezhouba Group, po p\u00ebrparon ngadal\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb vonesave t\u00eb lejeve, mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve mjedisore dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb transparenc\u00ebs n\u00eb procedura, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb pranuar vazhdimisht si nga autoritetet lokale ashtu edhe nga institucionet evropiane. Nj\u00eb shembull tjet\u00ebr karakteristik \u00ebsht\u00eb projekti i Termocentralit Gacko 2, t\u00eb cilin qeveria e Republik\u00ebs Srpska u p\u00ebrpoq ta zbatonte s\u00eb bashku me China Machinery Engineering Corporation n\u00eb vitet 2017-2018: pavar\u00ebsisht deklaratave t\u00eb zhurmshme p\u00ebr investime q\u00eb tejkalonin 1 miliard euro, projekti nuk kaloi kurr\u00eb n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrtimit aktual p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb financimit t\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord, dyshimeve n\u00eb lidhje me fizibilitetin ekonomik dhe kund\u00ebrshtimit me detyrimet klimatike t\u00eb BiH.<\/p>\n Kjo edhe nj\u00eb her\u00eb n\u00ebnvizon pik\u00ebn kryesore: Pekini nuk i ofron rajonit nj\u00eb model t\u00eb ri zhvillimi me cil\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb, por vepron n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis ku qeverit\u00eb lokale kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr projekte t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb dukshme pa kushte tep\u00ebr t\u00eb rrepta n\u00eb lidhje me transparenc\u00ebn, konkurrenc\u00ebn dhe standardet.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n Krahas projekteve t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs dhe ushtris\u00eb, Pekini po nd\u00ebrton gjithashtu nj\u00eb version m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb t\u00eb pranis\u00eb s\u00eb tij n\u00eb rajon \u2013 p\u00ebrmes arsimit, programeve gjuh\u00ebsore dhe shk\u00ebmbimeve akademike. Institutet Konfuci operojn\u00eb n\u00eb Beograd, Novi Sad dhe Nish; ato ofrojn\u00eb kurse gjuh\u00ebsore, p\u00ebrgatisin student\u00ebt p\u00ebr provimet HSK, ofrojn\u00eb mund\u00ebsi bursash dhe lidhin studimin e gjuh\u00ebs kineze me perspektiva m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera arsimore dhe profesionale. Platforma t\u00eb ngjashme ekzistojn\u00eb edhe n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rajonit: n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, nj\u00eb Institut Konfuci operon n\u00eb Universitetin e Malit t\u00eb Zi dhe n\u00eb Banja Luka \u2013 n\u00eb Universitetin e Banja Luk\u00ebs. Ky segment arsimor, sigurisht, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq me ndikim sa kontratat e infrastruktur\u00ebs, por ndihmon Pekinin t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb prani m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe shoq\u00ebrisht t\u00eb pranueshme n\u00eb rajon \u2013 ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht aty ku projektet ekonomike tashm\u00eb provokojn\u00eb polemika.<\/p>\n Momenti aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm sepse roli i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb rajon po hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb re. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb vitet 2010 fokusi ishte kryesisht te zgjerimi, premtimet madh\u00ebshtore dhe \u201cprojektet e s\u00eb ardhmes\u201d, tani fokusi \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb te trash\u00ebgimia e marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb b\u00ebra tashm\u00eb. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, Kina ndikon n\u00eb Ballkan jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes investimeve t\u00eb reja, por edhe p\u00ebrmes pasojave t\u00eb atyre t\u00eb vjetrave: autostrada t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduara, hekurudha m\u00eb t\u00eb shtrenjta, detyrime borxhi, var\u00ebsi nga kontraktor\u00ebt kinez\u00eb dhe zakoni politik i qeverive lokale q\u00eb kthehen te t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebt partner\u00eb edhe pas skandaleve.<\/p>\n Ndikimi kinez n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor nuk duhet t\u00eb ekzagjerohet dhe as t\u00eb n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsohet. Kina nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb hegjemone e plot\u00eb gjeopolitike n\u00eb rajon dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb qart\u00ebsisht e paaft\u00eb t\u00eb konkurroj\u00eb me BE-n\u00eb si nj\u00eb magnet politik apo qend\u00ebr graviteti integrimi. Por as ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllimi i saj. Forca e Pekinit n\u00eb rajon \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pragmatike. Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor mund t\u00eb shihet nga Pekini si nj\u00eb lloj pikemb\u00ebshtetjeje n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, nga e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrshtatshme t\u00eb zgjeroj\u00eb ndikimin e tij n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontinentin, mbi t\u00eb gjitha n\u00eb vendet e BE-s\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, lidhjet ekonomike, financiare dhe infrastrukturore t\u00eb vendosura tashm\u00eb t\u00eb rajonit me Kin\u00ebn do t\u00eb b\u00ebhen pjes\u00eb e tregut t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb pas zgjerimeve t\u00eb ardhshme. Zvog\u00eblimi i ndikimit kinez n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i pamundur pa e zvog\u00ebluar at\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. P\u00ebr Bashkimin Evropian, kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb politika e p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb ndikimit kinez nuk mund t\u00eb kufizohet n\u00eb tregun e brendsh\u00ebm: ajo duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb edhe hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn para-an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit, ku sot po formohen parametrat ekonomik\u00eb dhe institucional\u00eb t\u00eb zgjerimit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm. Por n\u00eb kushtet kur vendet kandidate (mbi t\u00eb gjitha Serbia) po p\u00ebrpiqen, p\u00ebrkundrazi, t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e tyre me Pekinin, detyra e Brukselit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb komplekse dhe shum\u00ebshtresore.\/CWBS<\/p>\n The GeoPost<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Presidenti i Serbis\u00eb, Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7, njoftoi nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb n\u00eb Kin\u00eb n\u00eb mesin e majit. \u201cN\u00eb jet\u00ebn time profesionale, kjo me siguri do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vizita m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb\u201d, deklaroi ai. Deklarata e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 tregon se, pavar\u00ebsisht nd\u00ebrlikimeve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e Kin\u00ebs me Bashkimin Evropian, drejtimi kinez i […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3468,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_bbp_topic_count":0,"_bbp_reply_count":0,"_bbp_total_topic_count":0,"_bbp_total_reply_count":0,"_bbp_voice_count":0,"_bbp_anonymous_reply_count":0,"_bbp_topic_count_hidden":0,"_bbp_reply_count_hidden":0,"_bbp_forum_subforum_count":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[15],"tags":[],"tmauthors":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-3467","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-world"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3467","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=3467"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3467\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/3468"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=3467"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=3467"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=3467"},{"taxonomy":"tmauthors","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/illyrianinfo.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftmauthors&post=3467"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}